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奥巴马音乐会,奥巴马访华全过程

  • 音乐
  • 2023-06-03
目录
  • 奥巴马踹门事件
  • 奥巴马和普京的尴尬
  • 音乐会完整版
  • 奥巴马经典演讲
  • 奥巴马访华欢迎仪式

  • 奥巴马踹门事件

    是著名的《检阅进行曲》。

    作者:郑路,著名作曲家。1933年10月6日生,北京市顺义区板桥村人。

    曲谱《检阅进行曲》是专门为部队阅兵活动创作的一首仪仗音乐,乐曲具有雄壮昂扬的进行曲风格,形象地表现了中国人民解放军勇往直前的英雄气概。乐曲由再现的单三部曲式(三段体)。乐曲的第一部分由四个分别为八小节的乐句构成,结构规整,第一,第三乐句为重复关系租磨,它们在节奏上前长后短,在音调上前高后低,纤春仿佛战士呼喊的口号,音乐干练果敢,乐曲的第二部分由两个各八小节的乐句组成,其旋律包含了许多上行音程跳跃,同时在节奏上大多由弱拍起,这个特点使音乐具有弊竖斗很强的推动力,似波涛一浪高似一浪,乐曲的第三部分是对第一部分的完整体现。

    以下是地址,你可以亲自感受一下,还是比较震撼的。

    http://www.tudou.com/programs/view/kuPCu7o_Pf0/

    奥巴马和普京的尴尬

    http://www.ewstudy.com/zwfd/Senior_xsxz/2008/11/2008-11-0515378.

    您好,发给您的这个链接里有奥巴马获胜后发表的演讲和滑孙地址,枣嫌还有演讲的中英语信岩链全文。

    音乐会完整版

    THE WHITE HOUSE

    Office of the Press Secretary

    _______________________________________________________________________________________

    December 10, 2009

    Remarks of President Barack Obama – As Prepared for Delivery

    A Just and Lasting Peace

    Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize

    辩消高Thursday, December 10th, 2009

    Oslo, Norway

    Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Distinguished Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

    I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations – that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.

    桥裂And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who have received this prize – Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela – my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened of cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women – some known, some obscure to all but those they help –携尺 to be far more deserving of this honor than I.

    But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by forty three other countries – including Norway – in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.

    Still, we are at war, and I am responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill. Some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the cost of armed conflict – filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.

    These questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease – the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.

    Over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers, clerics, and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a “just war” emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when it meets certain preconditions: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the forced used is proportional, and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.

    For most of history, this concept of just war was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations – total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of thirty years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it is hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.

    In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another World War. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations – an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this Prize – America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, and restrict the most dangerous weapons.

    In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty, self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.

    A decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.

    Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states; have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In today’s wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sewn, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, and children scarred.

    奥巴马经典演讲

    你可以上去猜亏看,在那里,我都是在那里看的,档睁是穗蠢神www.WRITEHOUSE.GOV

    奥巴马访华欢迎仪式

    I have dream 是马孝岩丁路德金的演讲,后来奥巴马就巧唤御职演讲就演讲过 I have a dream,可链顷以自己在网上搜索一下

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